The Kalinganagar

The Kalinganagar: The Heat and the Dust of a Highway

Ish Mishra

On 2^nd January 2007 -- the first anniversary of the martyrdom of anti-displacement agitators – thousands of people from across the country gathered at BIR BHUMI (Ambagadia village) in the Kalinganagar area of Sukhinda valley in Orissa to participate in the Bisthapan Birodhi Samkalp Samabesh (anti-displacement convention), organized by the Bisthapan Birodhi Janmanch (BBJ) to pay tributes to the martyrs who laid their lives in the anti-displacement struggle, and to reaffirm their resolve to carry the fight to its logical conclusion. Thirteen stone pillars have been erected there in memory of the dead.  It also marked the first anniversary of the heroic struggle of the people, successful blockade of a National Highway, now for over a year that is unheard in the recent history. The intensity, quality and the magnitude of the movement forced the government to announce its willingness to hold negotiations with the agitators. Till few months ago government was adamant. "The government stopped all dialogue after we had one with the chief minister," according to Ravi Jarika, a leader of the BBJ. "All promises including withdrawal of cases against us were forgotten. It's the government and not us who created this situation in Kalinganagar and people anywhere will rise in revolt whenever the government behaves in such fashion." In July 2006, Balkishore Panda, the ADM Kalinganagar had adamantly told a fact-finding team of Janhaskshep (a human rights group), the “land had already been acquired” and the tribals holding on to their lands are “legitimate” and “illegitimate” encroachers. In January 2007, the Collector of Jaipur (District Head Quarter of Kalinganagar), Arvind Padhi had to change the official claim.  “The interests of the displaced will not be compromised in the industrialization process”. The families of the dead are part-and parcel of the movement have summarily rejected the compensation offers of Rs. 10 lakhs. "Thirteen people have laid down their lives not to get more money but to retain our land. That stand can never change," said Hara Jamuda of Chandia village.

This Congregation of people – representatives of the progressive radical Political Forces including the parties of the radical left, Mass Organizations, the Mass Movements, Anti-displacement organizations -- from the villages of Kalinganagar and surrounding villages across the Sukinda valley, other parts of Orissa and from across the country saluted the martyrs and resolved to intensify and expand the movement and link it with other anti-imperialist movements. A draft declaration – The Kalinganagar Declaration -- on the future of the movement was circulated in which all out opposition to acquisition of agricultural land for industrial/commercial/SEZ purposes was reasserted. On a planted PIL by someone supposedly having suffered irreparable loss due to the Road blockade, as expected Orissa High Court recently passed a judgement ordering the removal of the blockade. Character of the judiciary of any legal system is same as the character of the ruling classes. Government wants to use coercion through judiciary. Government through its home secretary has expressed its desire to talk to the leaders of the movement. The BBJ leadership is always open to talks but has warned of militant retaliation by the masses if the government uses the force.

 Since 2^nd January 2006 the people of Kalinganagar, a tribal belt in the mineral-rich Sukhinda valley of Orissa, are fighting a valiant battle. It was on this day 13 Adivasis were killed by Navin Patnayak government’s extreme brutality and barbarism at the behest of a corporate house – TATAs. The limbs – palms and other parts -- of the dead bodies, were cut off and not returned to the relatives. This barbaric arrogance on the part of the state-corporate nexus, is a reminiscence of the barbarism witnessed during the Colonization by the Europeans in general, and colonization of Americas in particular. So not so surprisingly, the commanders of the attack --the District Collector and the SP -- directly responsible for ordering the firing and trapping the fleeing protesters with the landmines, have been duly rewarded with virtual promotions. According to Birsingh Gop of Chandia village, a victim of land mines explosion, the mines were laid before the Police action of 2^nd January with the purpose of killing and maiming the people.

Inspired by the martyrdom of their co-protesters against forced displacement, the villagers resolved to intensify their struggle. They organized themselves under the banner of Bisthapan Birodhi Janamanch with a leadership and a core group emerged from within the movement. They have been able to prevent the NGO’isation and are not dependent on “revolutionary” intellectuals “from above” for guidance in planing their strategies and tactics. They have their own organic intellectuals. They refuse to discuss the merits and demerits of any R&R package. They are firm on their stand – No Displacement. They are also firm in their resolve to continue their struggle undeterred by coercion and harassment; threats and appeasement by newer and newer R&R packages; Court Orders; and planted dissention and allurement. The sense of co-victim has brought the Adivasis and non-Adivasis together on one platform. All the attempts to foil this unity have been foiled by the people. The area around the NH200 that goes up to the Paradip port has been declared out-of-bounds for the company -Tata -, state officials and their agents. The brutal repression of the movement and tribal’ valiant fight have transformed the Kalinganagar from a proper noun to common noun

According to a news report, “at least three land surveyors working for Tata Steel were beaten up Wednesday in Orissa's Jajpur district by angry villagers who fear the company's proposed steel plant in the region would displace them. The incident took place near Kalamatia village in Kalinganagar industrial complex, some 60 km from the district headquarters of Jajpur, when a team of GO Design, a private firm hired by the Tatas, was conducting contour surveys”.(IANS 17 January 2007)

In fact the district administration has been trying to take over the land for the Tata’s proposed steel Plant for the last few months after an attempt to start construction on May 9, 2005 was foiled by the resistance of the local Adivasis.  Adivasis aware with the fate of displaced by other mining and industrial projects in the Sukhinda Valley and else where claimed that they will not vacate the land till their demands are met. From 23^rd December 2005, people stated getting feed back regarding Government’s intentions to evict the tribals from their land by force. According to Chkradhar Haibru, the President of BBJ, the agitators conveyed back the message to the administration that such a move will lead to do or die resistance. During their annual convention at the Chandiya village on 1^st January, the people came to know through their sources in the administration that the TATAs would initiate Boundary wall construction on the 2^nd January 2006 without taking the consent of the people. The tribals decided to oppose this attempt also, as they have opposed the earlier ones. On 2^nd January 2006 in the morning, the district administration including the Collector and the SP and TATA Steel officials reached the site with a bulldozer, and started construction of the boundary wall. The team was escorted by 12 platoons of armed police armed with sophisticated weapons.

Seeing the beginning of the work, approximately 100 tribals gathered, and a four-member delegation was formed to go and talk to the district officials present at the spot. People say that the four-member delegation went to meet the district administration. As per the warning given to the administration, many of these people were armed with traditional weapons. When the group of tribals reached the ditch dug to erect the boundary wall, and were about to cross it, they heard the police sound a whistle, and saw a policeman pull a rope. The people say that after this there were large explosions in the ditch and two persons fell down dead. There had been no warning and no indications from the police before this happened. Simultaneously tear gas, rubber bullet firing and actual firing started. Chaos ensued, with people running here-and there. Even the unarmed local policemen panicked at the firing and the explosions, and people say that in this panic one or two policemen fell into the boundary wall ditch and were injured by the tribals in the heat of the moment. On hearing the sound of explosions and firing, more tribals from the nearby settlements rushed to the site. The firing was indiscriminate and continued for over an hour. Even people who were 200-300 meters away were injured. Many people who were trying to escape have bullet injuries in the back, whereas others, who stood and tried to fight back, have been injured in neck and torso in front. A tribal woman, who came out from her house to see what was happening, was struck by a bullet and died. The representatives of BBJ allege that that the police picked up three Adivasis who were lightly injured and couldn’t run away and their hands were chopped off. They died from loss of blood in the Jajpur hospital. The police was armed with sophisticated weapons and the tribals claim that people at a distance of 400 meters were felled by bullets. The agitators ask the pertinent question, that why the administration and the Tatas started the boundary wall construction despite knowing about the tremendous resentment of the local tribals that too with the 12 platoons of the Security personnel.

The firing incidence strengthened the determination of the tribals to fight back and to continue their resistance. They don't trust the parliamentary parties because of obvious reasons. The leadership of the movement is entirely in the hands of the tribals. Those who visit there from outside are treated as solidarity groups if they agree to accept the demands of the tribals. The mainstream media, middle class and ruling elites are not able to digest this simple fact. Therefore, there is deliberate attempt to brand the tribals as Maoists both by the bureaucrats and media.

Bisthapan Birodhi Samkalp Samabesh renamed the place of mass cremation (Ambagadia village) as BIR BHUMI in the memory of the martyrs who laid their life in the anti-displacement movement a year ago. According to the declaration, “People are, therefore, now aware about the real reasons behind displacement in forced to become casual workers without any rights. The anti-displacement movement of the people makes it clear that henceforth people are not willing to accept this humiliating process. In the past, Crores of peasants and rural poor in Kalinganagar, Orissa and other parts of India were forced to accept displacement in the name of development of the country, which is actually the development of the MNCs and their agents. The masses of India are no more prepared to give this kind of sacrifice.” The speakers at the meeting analyzed and explained that due to big industries and projects people are losing their lands and employment and nature is getting devastated. They said that the displacement is accelerating the pace of cultural degeneration of the people. The poor, fighting hard for his land rights, the declaration asserts, “would no more tolerate the policy of alienating the land in the name of rehabilitation and resettlement.” Underlining the nature-devastating nature of the present model of industrialization and its very little employment potential, the declaration maintains that the big projects are being established in the interests of a miniscule minority – national and multinational corporate houses. “This kind of industrialization is anti-people and against the interests of the country. Thus it is the duty of all patriotic Indians to oppose the name of development. Displacement is alienating the lands of the peasants and taking away the livelihood of the poor. Displacement by mining and industrialization projects is converting the peasants and rural poor into destitute.

The Orissa government, boasting of the best R&R policy in the country is indeed protecting in the interests of big industrialists -- the Tatas, Zindals, the Mittals, the Ambanis, the Birlas, the Anil Agrawals and the MNCs such as POSCO.”

 Hitherto anti-displacement movements have centered their demands and mobilization on better Relief and Rehabilitation (R&R) package. Leaders and activists of Bisthapan Birodhi Janamanch are well acquainted with the fate of displaced communities by other projects in and the outside their area. The horrifying stories of land “acquisition” for mining and already existing steel plants are still fresh in their memories – particularly the story of Neelanchal Steel Plant, a public sector unit. Chandradhar Haibru, the President of the BBJ recalls the gory events of that tragic night as a nightmare. Bulldozers accompanied by the Police trucks arrived in the village in the dead of the night. The unsuspecting, sleeping villagers were woken up, bundled into trucks and carried away to jail, reminding the Nazi style of carrying people to the Concentration Camps. The hearths and homes, the forests, the orchards like everything else were razed to the ground in a few hours time. The number of the uprooted families was 639, out of that only 100 have been “rehabilitated” with cash payment and put into company controlled ”colony”, a euphemism for tin roofed structures without any Panchyat rights. They are transformed from a happy farming community with spacious homesteads into wage earners on the mercy of the “company” living a slum-like existence. Rest 539 families disappeared. No one knows their whereabouts and the government and the company have no answers. Like the displaced peasants of other mega and not-so-mega projects, they must have become part of slum or footpath dwellers in some of the cities. Stirred with shock and surprise people became aware of the reality of Development. The activists of JVJ, many of them graduates and post graduates who are farmers by choice, are well aware with the histories of displacements and anti-displacement struggles. They want to remain content agriculturists and are determined to refuse to be proletarianized at the altar of the Development.

They are happy farming communities living in perfect harmony with nature. The crux of their seven-point demand is “No Displacement”, proper rehabilitation of already displaced by other projects with land and punishment to guilty officials responsible for the brutal attack on the peaceful protesters, killing 13 and wounding and maiming many. As compared to many other tribal belts, the Munda tribals of these villages are quite mindful of education. Ravindra Jharika of Ambagadia village, a core group member of the movement, is a postgraduate in Sociology from the Utkal University, Bhubaneshwar. He resigned a government job and is a farmer by choice. After giving the horrifying details of the lives of the earlier development-induces oustees of the area and other parts of Orissa, he argues with technical details that a steel plant needs only 50-60 acres of the land but they acquire thousands of acres, probably for the future real estate development. Tatas alone plan to eventually acquire over 180 Sq. Km area in this mineral belt. He along with many other co-agitators expresses concerns over the over –production of steel beyond the national needs. They also expressed their anxiety over the large-scale export of the mineral ores, particularly the iron ore, raising the doubts upon the “patriotic” intentions of the government and the corporate houses. In this village (Ambagadia), there are other educated men and women pursuing farming by way of choice. The nearest college is 8 Km away. There are 30 college going students in the village – 10 of them girls. All of them are determined to give up their lives but would not leave their land. They are also acquainted with the history of industrial revolution that was accompanied by proletarianization and pauperization of self-sufficient agricultural communities. In Chandia, one of the villages “already acquired” according to Birakishore Panda, the ADM, Kalinganagar, the landmines laid to trap the protesters on 2^nd January 2006, have irreparably damaged Birsingh’s legs and he is not sure, whether he would be able to walk on them again. He is agonized and tormented by the design of trapping the people between the Police bullets and the land-mines fencing, and pained at the governmental callousness and indifference towards Adivasis and excessive favor to corporate houses. But ready to further face repression, he is not disappointed and feels confident of continuing the struggle on his crutches.

Well, as always happens there are always traitors in any movement. Few, very few people have been bought over by the government and Tata. But the movement is so powerful that sold-out agents have no courage to face the villagers and have disappeared from the area.  Opin Jamuda of Atti village lost his son in the Police firing refuges to discuss any R&R package and is determined to fight till end. Natti Angarai of Gobarhatti village declared, “we shall give up our lives but not the land. The Government has killed our 13 comrades, we shall not leave the land even if 13000 are killed. People are determined and the movement is gaining momentum and expanding its support base. Oustees of previous mining and industrial projects, anti-displacement mass organizations, pro-people political parties and democratic intellectuals from all over the country have openly come out in its support as was witnessed in the Bisthapan Birodhi Samkalp Samabesh.

 Subhanshu Sekhar Das is an advocate in Jajpur, the District head quarter of Kalinganagar. After talking the follies of the displacement based industrialization, charged the government for allowing the so many plants and industries to use the ground water in violation of the Supreme Court orders, as a result of which the level of ground water has come down to alarming levels. He expressed the hope that the Kalinganagar movement shall eventually grow into an All India anti-displacement, anti-imperialist movement. Professor S.A.Tahir an oustee of the Jindal Steel Plant expressed dissatisfaction over the R&R. According to him only 8 of the 58 ousted families have been “rehabilitated” on the outskirts of the Jajpur town. He expressed his resolve to join the movement despite the allurements and the threats from the government. In his opinion the firing was part of a deep conspiracy. Rjendra Sarangi of Lok Pakkha, a supporter of the movement, is quite confident of the expansion of the base and the support. In July 2006, when a team of Delhi based Janhastakshep – movement against Fascist Designs, held a meeting of intellectuals in Bhubaneshwar after the visit to Kalinganagar, it was attended by a large number of academics, students, artists, writers and poets. Sudhir Nayak, editor of a pro-people Oriya journal Pragatiwadi had informed the gathering that the situation is fast changing and the middle class and the students have begun to debate the issue of displacement in the broader political economic context of the development. Rabindra Sahu a popular Oriya poet linked the displacement with the ideology of capitalism and emphasised that its opposition is imperative responsibility of the radical political forces.

The history of displacement-based development is as old as the history of industrial revolution itself. Slums became the logical corollary of skyscrapers, the landmark symbol of the capitalist development. This model practiced by Europeans, acquired barbaric heights in “developing” the continents of Americas, Africa and Australia, where the original inhabitants were enslaved, massacred or marginalized and fenced into “reserves” or the exteriors. The similar barbarism, of course not at that scale and intensity, is being “legally” resorted to by the state-corporate nexus against the Adivasi peasants for “developing” the Kalinganagar Industrial Complex in the Sukhinda Valley of Orissa.

The Kalinganagar has raised the issues that question this anti people development model and insist upon the debate over the alternative models. Shiny Shenoy, President of the BBJ’s Women’s Committee lost her son in the Police firing but undeterred by allurements and threats, she is determined to be in the forefront of the struggle till the last drop of her blood. After talking in details about the newer methods of mobilization in general and among the women in particular, she delved upon the limitations of the representative democracy. She regretted having voted for Praful Gadai, the Finance Minister of the state, who instead of acting as people’s representative was acting as the agent of Tata. Then, reminding of the Eklavya, she added to it that the Adivasis are used to give away their thumbs but they have learnt to shoot the arrow without using their thumbs. Only future would tell how heroically and for how long the determined villagers can hold against the formidable state-corporate nexus, but the unprecedented support from various quarters, despite the joint conspiracy of all the ruling class parties against it, gives us a ray of hope.

In the light of all round opposition to the land acquisition for SEZ and other industrial/commercial purposes the results of the Kalinganagar movement would set the precedent.